Archive for the 'Civil War' Category

Our Battlefields and History are Endangered and Threatened

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© Eric NelsonThe fact that many Civil War battlefields are in danger of being gobbled up by expanding public and commercial interests is no suprise to most historians. Unfortunately a large number of the general public is unaware of the threats that are facing these treasures of American history.

The Civil War Preservation Trust has just recently released its latest report, History Under Siege, which highlights the top battlefields that face the most eminent threat. These battlefields are all endangered and are listed in Alphabetical order because there is no way to guage the loss of any of these areas against another.

Top 10 Threatened Battlefields

  • Camp Allegheny
  • Cedar Creek
  • Fort Stevens
  • Gettysburg
  • Picacho Peak
  • Pickett’s Mill
  • Richmond
  • South Mountain
  • Thoroughfare Gap
  • The Wilderness

15 Additional At-Risk sites:

  • Belmont, Missouri
  • Columbus, Kentucky
  • Chickamauga, Georgia
  • Harpers Ferry, West Virginia
  • Honey Springs, Oklahom
  • Knoxville, Tennessee
  • Manassas, Virginia
  • Mobile, Alabama
  • Monocacy, Maryland
  • Monterey Pass, Pennsylvania
  • New Market Heights, Virginia
  • Petersburg, Virginia
  • Resaca, Georgia
  • Third Winchester, Virginia
  • Williamsburg, Virginia
  • Wilson’s Creek, Missouri

To read the full report, visit History Under Siege.

1860 Republican National Convention

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Chicago WigwamShortly after the chaotic adjournment of the 1860 Democratic National Convention, there was wind in the sails of the Republican party. Convened in the newly constructed WigWam building in Chicago, Illinois in the middle of May, the Republicans began the process of selecting a platform and a nominee.

Politics within the Republican party were not much more allied than that of their Democratic challengers. Chase had recently deserted his Democratic colleagues for the Republican party. Slavery was a contentious issue not only for the Democrats as it caused many rifts within the Republican convention as well. Upon completion of the first two ballots, it appeared that the likely nominee would be William H. Seward, but other contenders were Salmon P. Chase, Edward bates, Simon Cameron and Abraham Lincoln. While internal battles waged, the Republicans realized they had a real possibility of winning the coming election. Slowly Abraham Lincoln became recognized as having the most visible national and was certainly the most articulate of all the candidates. By the third ballot however, Abraham Lincoln captured the nomination of the Republican party. A total of 233 votes were needed, but in the final vote Abraham received 364 votes from a total of 466.

The Republican Party Platform of 1860 is presented below. It is interesting to note paragraphs 2, 7, 8, 9 and 10. Many debates have been waged over the decades about tempers in the South being inflamed by Abraham Lincoln’s anti-slavery stance. Others have argued that Abraham Lincoln had never declared any personal intention to end or constrain slavery. When you consider that the Republican Candidate was the person most able to enact the principals of that party’s platform, the anti-slavery direction laid down in this platform was most certainly supported by Abraham Lincoln, the candidate.

Republican Party Platform of 1860

“Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituent and our country, unite in the following declarations:

1. That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now more than ever before demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.

2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution, “That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed,” is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the states, and the Union of the states, must and shall be preserved.

3. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population; its surprising development of material resources; its rapid augmentation of wealth; its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no republican member of congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by democratic members, without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence.

4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state, to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.

5. That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded our worst apprehension in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as is especially evident in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas – in construing the personal relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons – in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of congress and of the federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people.

6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and corruptions at the federal metropolis, show that an entire change of Administration is imperatively demanded.

7. That the new dogma that the Constitution of its own force carries slavery into any or all of the territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent, is revolutionary in its tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.

8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no “person should be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law,” it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States.

9. That we brand the recent re-opening of the African Slave Trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age, and we call upon congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.

10. That in the recent vetoes by the federal governors of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted democratic principle of non- intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein.

11. That Kansas should of right be immediately admitted as a state, under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives.

12. That while providing revenue for the support of the general government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country, and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.

13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty, and we demand the passage by congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the house.

14. That the Republican Party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any state legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded by emigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad.

15. That appropriation by Congress for river and Harbor improvements of a National character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the constitution and justified by the obligation of Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens.

16. That a railroad to the Pacific ocean is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country; that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction; and that, as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established.

17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the cooperation of all citizens, however differing on other questions who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support.

Supplementary Resolution. Resolved, That we deeply sympathize with those men who have been driven, some from their native States and others from the States of their adoption, and are now exiled from their homes on account of their opinions; and we hold the Democratic Party responsible for this gross violation of that clause of the Constitution which declares that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.”

Ambrose Bierce

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Ambrose BierceAmbrose Bierce was among the great many combatants during the US Civil War and it was that experience that led this prolific writer to expose his readers to a deeper and darker side. So much so that he became known as “Bitter Bierce.” His disdain for corruption and first-hand experience with the atrocities and maladies of warfare were a constant source of material and insight.

One of my favorite short-stories of all times has been Ambros Bierce’s “An Occurrence at Owl Creek Bridge.” It has been some time since I last read the story, but this week it was required reading in one of my college courses. Having now returned to that story, it refreshes my memory as to why I like the story so much.

Bierce has a way with imagery, point of view and the English language that few writers, myself included, could ever dream of achieving. I have not read all of his works, but those that I have read pull you directly into the story and don’t let you go. Bierce has a message and he wants you to read it.

While we discussed the story in class, I found myself half in agreement and half in disagreement with the interpretation of the man and the story. Perhaps Bierce was bitter, who could blame him. I am certain there were many people who held onto bitterness following the end of the Civil War in 1865. While there was indeed much to be thankful for and to look forward to, there remained much to be bitter about.

I personally find a deeper, more thoughtful man in Bierce than most people I have spoken about him with. He had an adventurous spirit that propelled him way beyond simple bitterness. A bitter man would most likely sequester himself into a dark corner and never escape. Ambrose Bierce explored his bitterness and searched for more meaning. Perhaps the search is what led him towards bitterness. Regardless, his travels, exploits and written record of American History give us a picture of our land that was not seen through rose-colored glasses.

Perhaps that in itself is why I have so much respect for a man that many hold much disdain for. He sought out truth and exposed mankind for what it was. Biased, of course. Objective, perhaps not. Regardless, he did find and report about things that most people either glossed over or simply ignored. For all he lacked in fragrant prose he made up for with courageous and gritty tenacity. I find in Ambrose Bierce a kindred spirit, to a point.

To read more of Ambrose Bierce’s writing and to learn more about the man, visit:

http://www.ambrosebierce.org/

Democratic National Convention of 1860

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150 Years of MemoriesTensions had been building between the Northern and Southern political establishment long before the election of 1860. Such animosity and distrust carried over into the Democratic National Convention. In order to make an attempt to quell some of the Southern hostility towards Northern politicians, the decision was made to hold the convention in a Southern State.

Late in April of 1860, delegates to the Democratic Party converged on Charleston South Carolina to choose their candidate for the November election. There was much more at stake than many realized. The regional politics took over the discussion and many Southerners had declared an intention to walk out if the party platform did not include a federal slave code for the territories. An additional number of delegates, known as the “fire eaters,” disrupted the convention with their hopes that the Republicans would win the election which would bring about the secession of the slave states. Yes, secession fever was already heavy in the air.

Adding further fuel to the debates was a Southern opposition to the leading democratic candidate, Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois. Additional candidates were: Former Senator Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, James Guthrie of Kentucky, Senator Robert M. T. Hunter of Virginia, Senator Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, and Senator Joseph Lane of Oregon.

Stephen Douglas and his Northern platform prevailed by a vote of 165 to 138 on April 30. The “fire-eaters” and additional member delegates upheld their pledge and walked out of the convention in protest. The protesting members regrouped at Charleston’s Military Hall and declared that theirs was the one true convention. Their attempt to coerce a change in the Democratic Convention failed

Although Stephen Douglas never received the required full 2/3 majority required for nomination, his popularity was evident. On May 3, 1860, Dougls had led every vote cast. Unable to reach a 2/3 majority in any vote, the delegates voted to adjourn.

The Democratic Party Platform – 1860

1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union in Convention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject matters; and we recommend, as the only further resolutions, the following:

2. Inasmuch as difference of opinion exists in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the Territories,

Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States upon these questions of Constitutional law.

3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign born.

4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge such Constitutional Government aid as will insure the construction of a Railroad to the Pacific coast, at the earliest practicable period.

5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.

6. Resolved, That the enactments of the State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.

7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that during the existence of the Territorial Governments the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the general government.

This article is part of Uncommon History’s Civil War Sesquicentennial Memorial

Eliza Rhea Anderson Fain

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Not too often in my internet travels do I come across articles that transcend the typical battle or leader profiles. More often than not, when I do come across articles centered upon the lives of soldiers or civilians, one of the typical themes left out is their religious mindset and beliefs. Readers at Uncommon History know that I come from a certain perspective that religion was a driving force, and to a large extent even continues to be so today.

Today I came across an article that very much illustrates the religious passions of one woman during the Civil War that motivated her to exceedingly support the Southern view she and her family had adopted.

Eliza kept a diary throughout the war and although I have not had the opportunity to read it, many of the extracted quotes I have read  speak very plainly that there were plenty of American citizens at the time that would, and did, sacrifice all for their religious convictions.

Here are just a few quotes from her diary:

“I am becoming more firmly fixed in my conviction concerning this war that religion will be more intimately interwoven in its history than any which had ever preceded it,” she wrote on October 13, 1862. “The men who have honored God are the men he has chosen to honor on almost every field.”

“And I do feel the judgments of Almighty God will rest upon the heads of the Northern people for their unjust interference, thereby thwarting our plans for the elevation of our colored people in a moral point of view.” Slavery, Eliza Fain believed, was the cornerstone of the war effort – the very reason her kin had pledged to fight and die for the cause.”

“When a band of Federal soldiers passed her home in October 1863, she challenged them to reflect upon their motives to wage war. “They have to acknowledge that slavery has been the inciting cause to this war,” she triumphantly declared.
“They all tell me if they thought they were fighting to free the Negro they would quit and go home.”

I can do no more justice at present on this intriguing woman than the fine writing of  Maggiemac at Civil War Women. You can read her article on Eliza at her blog.

Further Reading


Sanctified Trial

John Fain (Editor). Univ Tennessee Press 2004, Hardcover, 432 pages, $53.36

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